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The National Party (short form: NAPA) is an INDFOR faction in ArmA 2.


« We have to show common citizens that our actions are focused on rooting out the evil, not on punishing anyone based on their nationality. Disarm the ordinary armed men, but eliminate all commissars, commanders and functionaries ruthlessly.
Soldier's Handbook, allegedly by Prizrak, supreme warlord of NAPA


An underground movement formed in the wake of the civil war between the Chernarussian government and ChDKZ separatists, the National Party is a rebel group that firmly opposes Russian influence in Chernarus.

The rebel group is commanded by a shadowy figure called "Prizrak", a ruthless leader who is well-known by both the government and Chedaki for his relentless tactics, and brutality towards the Chedaki and their supporters.

Though they lack advanced weaponry and access to heavy armour, their knowledge of the South Zagorian countryside, military expertise from ex-CDF members, and an extensive network of embedded fighters/civilian collaborators amongst almost every village in the region, has made them a serious threat to both the Chedaki and government forces.

NAPA is also known to operate an illicit narcotics trading/manufacturing operation in order to fund their campaign against the ChDKZ/government forces, with many of their processing labs mainly scattered throughout the northern regions of the province.


ArmA 2-era NAPA emblem.

Formed by Prizrak as a counter-movement against the burgeoning Chedaki insurgency, the National Party was founded on the principle of self-defence; not just against thinly-veiled Russian imperialism, but also against perceived failures and rampant corruption from the Chernarussian government.

Though the group started out small, it quickly gained traction over the span of one year prior to the outbreak of open hostilities. The group was particularly popular with the population of South Zagoria, with many supporters openly collaborating with the guerilla organisation.

On November 11th, 2008, the group's first highly publicised attack was the burning down of a storage facility owned by a ChDKZ affiliate (the Bardak & Sons Distillery), which resulted in the death of a gatekeeper and the warehouse's total destruction.

Following the incident, skirmishes against the Chedaki continued to increase as both sides launched retaliatory attacks against the other. Eventually, even the CDF would become involved as local police forces were simply overwhelmed by both sides, and were incapable of putting a halt to the fighting.

Events of Operation Harvest Red (2009)


NOTE: This section contains spoilers from ArmA 2's 'Operation Harvest Red' campaign.

When full-scale war finally broke out between government forces and the Chedaki, the CDF were forced to retreat all the way back to Zelenogorsk after incurring heavy losses. NAPA on the other hand, fought on and even held its own against the tide of Chedaki.

Even though outwardly it seemed like everyone in the organisation was working towards the same goal, the reality was that NAPA itself was bitterly divided between two factions: the fervently anti-Russian hardliners led by Prizrak himself, and the far less extremist moderates who only desired freedom from Russian influence.

Needless to say, these frictions continued to eat away at the organisation's unity. Those who did not support either side remained ignorant; mostly out of fear for Prizrak himself, as those who opposed the shadowy leader tended to "disappear".

After some time, the USMC's 27th Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) invades the country to relieve the beleaguered CDF. The joint force of Marines and the CDF quickly retake most of the coastal cities, and even drive back the Chedaki all the way to their northern strongholds.

« We don't need you here American Marines. Thank you for coming but you can leave now. There are no Chedaki here.
Father Fyodor, the local priest of Gorka, attempts to convince the Americans to leave

While not quite hostile, diplomatic relations between the Americans and guerillas were practically non-existent. Encounters were limited to only the occasional (tense but bloodless) stand-off between the two sides. But the fact that American troops were also ordered to seize any weapons caches did not help to improve relations between the two sides either.

Barely a week after the invasion however, a bomb is suddenly detonated in the heart of the Russian Federation's capital, killing fifty three Russian citizens and injuring hundreds more. The attack is blamed on NAPA by the Russian government, but in reality wasn't caused by the guerillas at all.

Despite denying all allegations of their involvement in the bombings, the Russian government receives the authorisation to intervene in the country for security reasons, forcing the Americans to leave immediately. The situation for the guerillas is made even worse as they were now being actively hunted by both the Chedaki and the Russians.

The guerillas agree to help Razor Team evade detection from the Russians.

The guerillas however, did notice a Russian Spetsnaz team launch a surprise raid on a USMC FOB.

Since they lacked the equipment and manpower, the guerillas didn't intervene to assist the Marines at the FOB; much to the frustration of the Force Recon operators from callsign Razor Team, who demanded that the guerillas explain why they didn't help out.

The guerillas informed the Marines that Russian forces were given shoot-to-kill orders against impostors "disguised" as Americans.

« Listen, you'd better not hang around here. The Russians have declared the north free of USMC now. They're saying any armed person will be considered hostile. We heard the announcements in the villages on the way in here. They are looking for 'insurgents impersonating US personnel'.
The leader of the guerillas observing FOB Manhattan, Alesh, tells Matthew Cooper of their fugitive status

With extraction by helicopter out of the question due to Russian anti-air defences and the MEU having long since departed from the northern parts of the province, the Marines reluctantly agree to evade detection with the help of the guerillas.

Rather than join with their comrades in the woodlands however, Razor Team opted to link up with the CDF instead. Nonetheless, the guerillas made plans to conduct offensives of their own against the Chedaki. But with the Russians effectively locking down the entire region, any large-scale attacks were out of the question.

At the same time, Prizrak's brutality was beginning to alienate many of the organisation's supporters away from the hardline faction. The moderates still knew full well that they couldn't win on their own however, and that CDF support was absolutely necessary if they were to achieve their goal.

Novy Sobor is retaken by Razor Team.

Along with a small task force of CDF troops, the Marines from Razor Team soon launch an attack on the Chedaki-occupied town of Novy Sobor. They manage to secure the town and find a local NAPA collaborator called Michal, who reveals to the Marines that a blond-haired Russian Spetsnaz operative known only as "Karelin" was the true mastermind behind the occupation.

Before the Marines moved on to attack Stary Sobor, the moderates were contacted by a CDF intelligence officer called Tomas Marny, who offered them a "solution" to their problem: Prizrak.

Whilst government forces obviously couldn't be seen participating in an assassination attempt against NAPA's current leader, an American special forces unit; which was not officially in the country, could do so without causing relations between the two sides to become less than copacetic.

The moderates agree to send a representative to meet with the Marines to plan the assassination. The representative, Yidash, secretly meets up with the Americans at an abandoned house near the lumber mill where Prizrak usually took his victims to "purge" them of their "sins".

« Alone, both parties will perish, it's clear. Prizrak is the only thing our way.
Yidash explains the necessity of Prizrak's demise

After reaffirming their commitment to killing Prizrak, Razor Team move out and arrive at the lumber mill, only to discover that Prizrak's true identity is actually "Father Fyodor"; the same priest they had first met in Gorka.

Razor Team confronts Prizrak.

Not only had he known about Yidash's (along with the rest of the moderates) plans to assassinate him, but he was fully prepared to retaliate by having them executed to make an example to all other dissenters within the organisation.

He was still willing to offer them a chance for redemption, however. He faced the Marines alone and unarmed, and tried to explain his views to them in the hopes of convincing the Americans to help his cause.

« I am the one who is saving this country! I provide spiritual and military strength! I am a leader! A symbol of Chernarussian resistance! I am Chernarus! And now you want to destroy it?
Prizrak justifies his delusional views to the Americans

What he didn't count on however, was the Marines (particularly their team leader Matthew Cooper) rejecting his views completely. Disappointed with their decision, Prizrak presents the Americans with an ultimatum: kill him, or let him go. Just as he begins to slowly walk away, the Marines' team leader fatally shoots Prizrak in the back.

With both towns secured by Razor Team and Prizrak dead, NAPA officially joins forces with the CDF.

Now that Prizrak was out of the way and normal relations were restored with the government, the moderates quickly gained the upperhand within the organisation. They agreed to an official alliance with the government, and the two sides joined forces to liberate the rest of South Zagoria.

The new leader of NAPA, Little John, assumes command and delegates his subordinates to various NAPA strongholds throughout the region while he personally liaised with the CDF commanders, General Begunov and Major Stavovich, at the main base in Zelenogorsk. The two sides began to coordinate their efforts in retaking the entire province from both the Chedaki and their Russian supporters. Together, they launch a province-wide offensive aimed at retaking every single town and village from the Chedaki; all under the watchful eye of the Russians.

Thanks to the efforts of Razor Team, the ChDKZ's elusive leader, Gregori Lopotev, is captured and handed over to the Russians. Karelin's conspiracy is revealed to the Russian government, and NAPA is absolved of all blame for the Moscow bombings.

With their name cleared, the Russians forced to leave Chernarus, and the 27th MEU permitted to redeploy into the country, the joint USMC/CDF/NAPA force finally locates the main Chedaki base in Msta and proceed to raze it to the ground, destroying much of its power base and wiping out their remaining leaders in one go.

Post-Operation Harvest Red

After a fierce battle which resulted in the destruction of the Chedaki base in Msta, the guerillas participated in the clean-up operations throughout the countryside to root out the last defiant cells of the ChDKZ.

With the country returning to a semblance of normality following the war's resolution, NAPA was disbanded as an armed guerilla force. Instead, the group transitioned into an official political party that would peacefully challenge the current government.


Most guerillas wear a mixture of civilian clothing intermeshed with military uniforms camouflaged in a variety of patterns. They almost always conceal their faces with balaclavas, ski masks, and bandannas to hide their identities.

Unlike the CDF, NAPA lacks reliable stocks of heavy vehicles and equipment, and do not have access to any aviation assets at all. They mostly rely on salvaged hardware obtained either from raids against the ChDKZ, purchased from arms smugglers (via funds obtained through their trade in narcotics), or stolen from government forces under Prizrak's command.

In most cases, their vehicular options are limited to outdated Second World War/early Cold War-era armour like T-34 light tanks and repurposed civilian vehicles like Pickup trucks.

For small arms, they mostly utilise the same firearms as their ChDKZ and government counterparts, ranging from AKM assault rifles to PKM machine guns, as well as 9K32 Strela SAM launchers.




Name Description

9K32 Strela-2

Surface-to-Air Missile Launcher
Diameter: 72 mm


Assault Rifle
Calibre: 5.45×39 mm


Assault Rifle
Calibre: 5.45×39 mm


Calibre: 5.45×39 mm


Assault Rifle
Calibre: 7.62×39 mm


Assault Rifle
Calibre: 7.62×39 mm

CZ 550

Sniper Rifle
Calibre: 9.3×62 mm

FIM-92F Stinger

Surface-to-Air Missile Launcher
Diameter: 70 mm


General-Purpose Machine Gun
Calibre: 7.62×54 mm


Rocket Launcher
Diameter: 40 mm/105 mm


Light Support Weapon
Calibre: 5.45×39 mm

SVD Dragunov

Sniper Rifle
Calibre: 7.62×54 mm

Motor Pool

Vehicle Role Notes
Infantry Fighting Vehicle - Amphibious
- Variable transportation capacity depending on variant
- Has a dedicated variant that can heal infantry
Armoured Patrol Car - Amphibious
- Variable transportation capacity depending on variant
Pickup Truck - Can transport a single passenger
Compact Pickup Truck - Can transport a single passenger
Motorbike - Can transport one passenger
Light Tank - Cannot transport any passengers
Main Battle Tank - Cannot transport any passengers
Ural (ZU-23)
Anti-Air Gun Truck - Can transport up to 3 passengers
Utility Truck - Variable transportation capacity depending on variant
- Has dedicated variants that can repair, rearm, and refuel nearby ground vehicles




  • The origins of ArmA 3's Cyrus marksman rifle could possibly imply that Chernarus in some way or shape has close ties to the East and is no longer pro-West. If indeed so, Prizrak's fears of the country never becoming truly independent from Russian influence would ironically become vindicated.

External links

See also

Factions of ArmA 2
REDFOR Russian Armed ForcesChDKZTakistani ArmyTakistani Militia
INDFOR NAPATakistani RebelsUnited NationsION
Operation Arrowhead | British Armed Forces
Factions - INDFOR (ArmA 2)
NAPATakistani RebelsUnited NationsION
Operation Arrowhead | British Armed Forces